After the summer break, we continue under the heading “Historical Calendar” . The project, which we called “Gravediggers of the Russian Kingdom,” is dedicated to those responsible for the collapse of the autocratic monarchy in Russia - professional revolutionaries, confrontational aristocrats, liberal politicians; generals, officers and soldiers who have forgotten about their duty, as well as other active figures of the so-called. “liberation movement”, voluntarily or unwittingly, contributed to the triumph of the revolution - first the February, and then the October. The column continues with an essay dedicated to the prominent representative of the labor movement K.A. Gvozdev, who made his way from a revolutionary worker to a minister of the Provisional Government, and then became a prisoner of Soviet prisons.

The name of this hero of the February Revolution, unlike the big names of Kerensky and Rodzianko, is familiar only to specialists and a narrow circle of lovers of Russian history. Meanwhile, (1882‒1956) is a figure who played a significant role in the collapse of the tsarist autocracy.

Kuzma Gvozdev was born in 1882 in the Mordovian village of Chekaevka, which was then part of the Saransk district of the Penza province. A peasant by birth, Gvozdev joined the ranks of the rapidly developing working class from a young age. From the age of 17, he worked in the Tikhoretsky railway workshops and almost immediately became involved in revolutionary activities. In 1902 he was arrested for the first time, followed by other arrests. Gvozdev’s radicalism at that time is eloquently evidenced by his belonging to the maximalist Socialist Revolutionaries, who preferred terrorist methods of fighting the autocracy.

During the revolution of 1905, Gvozdev led a strike of railway workers, for which he was arrested and spent two years in Saratov prison. This was followed by deportation to the Astrakhan province, after which the revolutionary worker again returned to his previous activities. True, the defeat of the revolution and the subsequent calm of the country for a while noticeably reduced the activity of anti-state forces. During the period of the “Stolypin reaction,” Kuzma Gvozdev worked at factories in St. Petersburg and took part in the creation of the Union of Metalworkers, in which he soon took the post of chairman of the board (1910‒1911). But his anti-government activities soon came to the attention of the authorities again, and in 1911 Gvozdev was once again arrested and exiled to the Vologda province for a period of three years.

Kuzma Gvozdev greeted 1914 as a Menshevik “defencist”, i.e. supporter G.V. Plekhanov, A.N. Potresov and a number of other Menshevik leaders who recognized the First World War as a defensive one on Russia’s part, and therefore did not accept the obvious defeatism of the Bolsheviks and the hidden defeatism of the Menshevik-internationalists. However, speaking about the party affiliation of the Socialist-Revolutionary and then the Menshevik Gvozdev in the past, an explanation should be made. As the Menshevik B.O. noted. Bogdanov, "strictly speaking, his(Gvozdeva - A.I.) it was difficult to attribute to any particular party". This was largely due to Gvozdev’s greater moderation, compared to other revolutionaries, which he had achieved by this time. “His position has always been characterized by the ability not to let the struggle lead to the death of the mass of workers,” Bogdanov recalled . - A struggle that would lead to the destruction of people and, in fact, to the liquidation of the movement, met with decisive objection on his part. We often expressed ourselves in the sense that the enemy should be crushed without any regret, that as a result of the struggle, both we and our enemy would suffer losses. Gvozdev often emphasized that he did not see the point in this. In his opinion, the struggle in Russia is always aimed at destruction. Gendarmes and revolutionaries, right and left and others ended up leaving a bunch of broken people and destinies. He believed that the real struggle, which required a high level of intelligence, stopped as soon as it reached the destruction of people. Therefore, he rejected the struggle for destruction, but held high the banner of struggle until victory, but not until death. Struggle brought to death gives only death, and only in life there is progress and movement. This thought gave rise to great resistance in him towards his opponents, and he willingly emphasized it. “Yes, I am a European worker, Russians often smell of death.”

In 1915, working as a mechanic at the Petrograd factories K.A. Gvozdev, fate nominated him to the post of chairman of the working group of the Central Military-Industrial Committee (CMIC), headed by the famous opposition politician A.I. Guchkov. Created by entrepreneurs with the aim of mobilizing industry for military needs, the Military Industrial Committees received considerable subsidies from the government for the implementation of defense orders, but the effectiveness of their work turned out to be extremely low. The funds received from the government (about 400 million rubles!) were used not only (and not so much) to provide the front with everything necessary, but also to strengthen the liberal opposition.

The bureau of the working group at the Central Military Commission was headed by Gvozdev, who at that time was a mechanic at the Erickson telephone factory in Petrograd. “The main work on convening the Working Group of the Military-Industrial Committee fell on the shoulders of K.A. Gvozdeva, ‒ recalled B.O. Bogdanov . “He revealed enormous strength, great abilities, and the ability to understand the situation and ideological issues. The main part of the work was done by Gvozdev himself, later some assistants from the working environment appeared. (...) K.A. Gvozdev is an extremely interesting figure not only of the Military-Industrial Committee, but also of the labor movement in general. For a relatively long time he has maintained an unceasingly open line in defense of the idea of ​​workers' representation in the War-Industrial Committee. He leads it independently, not agreeing with either Plekhanov or Potresov. (...) Independence of decisions and actions was one of the most remarkable features of K.A. Gvozdev".

Having entered into an alliance with the liberals, the Menshevik Gvozdev began to actively advocate for holding an all-Russian labor congress, seeing the task of the working group as a combination of propaganda for social democracy, the struggle against autocracy and “defencism.” However, “defencism” was in the very last place on this list and in the order of the working group, as O.R. rightly notes. Airapetov, “not a word was said about the defense of the state (or even the “country”)”. It was discussed in the “General Political Resolution”, however, in such a form that there was no doubt about the nature of this “defencism”. “Russian irresponsible government,” stated in the document , - having taken part in this war, at the same time waged and continues to wage a merciless war with its own people, which led the country to the brink of defeat. We declare that the culprit of all disasters is an irresponsible government. But we also consider it necessary to state that a share of responsibility falls on both the State Duma and the political parties that make up its majority, which for a whole year supported the regime of a military dictatorship and hid the truth from the people, and when it was impossible to silence it, they did not find it in to seek the courage to seek support among the people for a decisive struggle against the regime that is leading the country to destruction.”. Thus, the revolutionary message in this address clearly prevailed over the patriotic one. This was soon confirmed by Gvozdev’s statements about the war as unjust and predatory.

On the alliance of the leaders of the liberal opposition with representatives of the labor movement, gendarme general A.I. Spiridovich wrote this: "Gene. [K.I.] Globachev(Head of the Petrograd Security Department - A.I.) reported that part of the liberal opposition was looking for support from the workers. The Working Group under the Military-Industrial Committee was supposed to sway the working masses to support the State Duma. She was patronized by Guchkov and Konovalov. They naively believed that they would be able to use the working class and, with their help, seize power. Having created a broad labor movement around the State. Duma, Guchkov hoped to more easily carry out the most personal palace coup... (...) Being under the protection of Guchkov, Konovalov and their friends, the Working Group of the Military-Industrial Committee boldly worked on agitation.” The future Minister of War of the Provisional Government A.I. also pointed out this. Verkhovsky: “Konovalov dreamed of creating a “proletarian army” under his command in order to force the government to make concessions to the Duma. I thought the same thing. Gvozdev could be very useful for this.”.

The CVPC limited the independence of the working group, whose “moderation” was manifested only in relation to left-wing radicals, solely by depriving it of its own office, but in practice, as noted in the group’s newsletter, “this limitation has not yet made itself felt.” As historian O.R. notes. Airapetov, K.A. Gvozdev and his employees constantly emphasized their independence on almost all issues, and the head of the Petrograd secret police stated that the working group of the TsVPK “from the very beginning of its existence, I was engaged exclusively in political work (...). It was, so to speak, on a small scale, a council of workers’ deputies.”.

In a letter to A.I. Guchkov, who called on the working group to remain faithful to “defencism”, K.A. Gvozdev wrote: “In your letter, you express confidence that Russia’s “bright future” can be built on “defeating the enemy, on victory over Germany.” Based on this situation, you considered it possible to address us, the organized workers, with a word of persuasion. You, of course, know that the situation in the country, its present and future, gives us great anxiety. But you also know that we draw completely different conclusions from this recognition. (...) The workers, standing for the elimination of war by the peoples themselves, combine this desire with the defense of the country, since it is in danger of defeat. “Overcoming the enemy” or “victory over Germany,” if this concept is given the content that the propertied classes put into it, can push Russia onto the path of conquest, military violence, and adventure. “A bright future” is not on the path of imperialism, even the most liberal one.”.

Gvozdev spoke out even more radically regarding calls to preserve “social peace”: “We do not recognize either peace or a truce with the leaders of that outdated way of Russian life, which has always been hostile to the interests of the country and has now led it to disaster. Regarding the preservation of social peace between entrepreneurs and workers, first of all I must note that it is difficult to talk about preserving something that does not exist and never existed. We workers have always been convinced that the establishment of social peace is possible only with a decisive change in all social conditions, that such peace, peace in the full meaning of the word, is possible only when the very causes of class antagonism and inequality disappear. (...) The enslavement of workers, and this is precisely what the politics of the social world leads to, in general, and in the conditions of our reality in particular, will inevitably entail the dispersion and suppression of the working class as an independent socio-political force. (...) The social reactionary nature of a significant part of the representatives of the Russian industrial class complicates the possibility of common action and thereby strengthens the position of Russian reaction.” And at the Petrograd congress of the Central Military Commission, held in 1916, Gvozdev read out a declaration, which stated that the working group considers the main task of the working class “the struggle for the convening of a Constituent Assembly on the basis of universal, equal, direct and secret suffrage, for the immediate implementation of all civil liberties: speech, assembly, press, unions and coalitions, for the abolition of all national restrictions (...), for broad social legislation , for an eight-hour working day, for land for the peasants and for immediate amnesty for all religious and political matters.". "His speech," notes O.R. Airapetov , - was greeted with a storm of applause, and the presiding officer, Konovalov, did not even make an attempt to interrupt the speaker. (...) Gvozdev openly questioned the goals of the war, actually called for peace “without annexations and indemnities”, accused the government of unleashing the persecution of Jews, Muslims and Finns, preparing an “all-Russian pogrom”, persecuting Zemsky, City Unions and CVPC. His words contained a very thinly disguised call for a revolutionary coup.”.

On the 20th of January 1917, K.A. Gvozdev, at a meeting of the bureau of the Central Military Commission, stated that the working group in the current conditions (the arrest of the Moscow working group) could no longer work. January 24, 1917, as recalled by General A.I. Spiridovich, the working group of the Central Military Industrial Committee distributed a proclamation among the workers, which said: ""The working class and democracy cannot wait any longer. Every missed day is dangerous. The decisive elimination of the autocratic regime and the complete democratization of the country is now a task requiring urgent resolution, a question of the existence of the working class and democracy... By the time the Duma opens, we must be ready for a common organized performance." “Let all the workers of Petrograd, before the opening of the Duma, factory by factory, district by district, move together to the Tauride Palace to declare there the basic demands of the working class and democracy.” “The whole country and the army must hear the voice of the working class. Only the establishment of a Provisional Government, based on the people organizing themselves in the struggle, will be able to lead the country out of the dead end and disastrous devastation, strengthen political freedom in it and lead to peace acceptable both to the Russian proletariat and and for the proletariat of other countries, conditions"".

The authorities could not help but respond to such calls, and on the night of January 27 they arrested 10 of the 11 members of the TsVPK working group, among whom was K.A. Gvozdev. “The Security Branch saw that it was necessary to act,” Spiridovich recalled . ‒ Gen. Globachev, relying on the last speech of the Working Group, presented to the minister a detailed report on the work and plans of Guchkov, Konovalov and the Working Group and asked permission to arrest them all. Protopopov did not agree and, at the insistence of Globachev, held a meeting at his place, to which he invited his friend Kurlov. General Kurlov supported Globachev. Protopopov agreed to the arrest, but only of one Working Group. And then, according to his decision, the arrests had to be made on warrants from the military authorities. So the public minister was afraid of the City Duma. (...) The search data was brilliant. All were formally charged with state crimes. A government report was made about the incident. The blow was unexpected and cruel. Guchkov and Konovalov, saved from arrest by Protopopov, sounded the alarm and began to intercede on behalf of the arrested. (...) However, the government did not back down in the face of the uproar in the Rab case. Groups. Only Prime Minister Golitsyn was able to convince Guchkov that the Group was carrying out highly patriotic work. Those arrested remained in the fortress".

Finding himself free during the February Revolution, K.A. Gvozdev took an active part in organizing the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. At the first meeting, he was elected to the executive committee as a member of the presidium, head of the labor department and secretariat. According to the socialist N.N. Sukhanova, “he was also one of the main Soviet workers and one of the most interesting figures in the first months of the revolution”. “Kuzma Gvozdev,” Sukhanov continued , ‒ ...from the very first days it became the main basis of the entire work of labor in the central Soviet institutions. (...) Gvozdev’s position was all the more difficult because (...) Gvozdev did not have (...) popularity at his disposal. A proletarian genius, he led right-wing defencism, social reformism and opportunism in the practice of the labor movement of the military-revolutionary era. This trend had no credit... ...Kuzma Antonich rightfully took the place of the “Soviet” Minister of Labor, but taken from the Guchkov-Konovalov “military-industrial” nest, Gvozdev, in accordance with this, in his direction, in trends and gravity could not help but steer towards a worthy member of the Provisional Coalition Government and a very suitable Minister of Labor (without quotes) in Kerensky’s cabinet. Neither this type of worker activist, nor such a course could create popularity among the primordially Bolshevik Great Russian proletariat, much less support the popularity of a complete compromiser and capitulator before the bourgeoisie in the era of the revolution... (...) In many, many cases, Gvozdev found that only common sense, but also greater flexibility of thought. He was often original and always interesting with this beating thought. And I always listened with constant interest and, I will say, with considerable benefit, to the not particularly red and lively, rather clumsy speeches of my constant opponent in the Executive Committee. Yes, not only I, but all the leading spheres from right to left listened when Kuzma Antonich began his speech with his reasoning manner and his inimitable, organically fused primitive speech: “Gentlemen... after all, now... we are busy... business in that...” “Gvozdev was a stocky, broad-shouldered man with an open look, slightly bulging eyes, and a thick head of hair. Lively and cheerful, he behaved simply, without pretensions, in a workmanlike manner,”- recalled A.I. Verkhovsky.

In May 1917, Gvozdev joined the first coalition Provisional Government as a fellow minister of labor. The peak of the Menshevik worker's political career was his appointment as Minister of Labor on September 25, 1917. As stated by A.I. Verkhovsky, Konovalov and Tereshchenko sought this appointment. However, Gvozdev held the ministerial post for only a month - on October 25, 1917, the Bolsheviks seized power in the country. He was arrested among other ministers of the Provisional Government and imprisoned in the Peter and Paul Fortress. But after 3 days Gvozdev was released.

From October 1917 to the end of 1918 K.A. Gvozdev was deputy chairman of the workers' cooperatives of Petrograd and the surrounding area, while at the same time (in the spring-summer of 1918) participating in the creation of the anti-Bolshevik Assembly of Representatives from Factories and Factories. Having soon left political activity, Gvozdev, who had become non-party since 1919, worked for some time in the Supreme Economic Council. In 1920, the revolutionary worker was arrested by the Cheka and spent a month in prison. After his release, Kuzma Antonovich returned to Soviet service, working in the Union of Metalworkers, Commissioner for Ukraine, and then at the Central Section in the south. He also worked at the All-Russian Central Council of Trade Unions in the department of scientific organization of labor, was the head of the Central Bureau of Labor Standards in the People's Commissariat of Trade Unions and deputy chairman of the board of the Supreme Economic Council. The last position held by the former head of the working group of the Central Military Industrial Complex was the position of head of the planning and economic part of one of the sectors of the Steam Locomotive-Car-Diesel Association (1930).

December 12, 1930 K.A. Gvozdev was arrested and sentenced in the spring of 1931 by the OGPU board for alleged involvement in the “counter-revolutionary anti-Soviet organization of Mensheviks” to 10 years in prison. Studying Marxism-Leninism during his imprisonment, Gvozdev, in his own words, became a supporter of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), but this “epiphany” did not save him from new prison ordeals. After completing his 10-year sentence in 1941, Gvozdev was again sentenced to 8 years by the NKVD. Upon his release, the former revolutionary was exiled to the Krasnoyarsk Territory, where he was extremely poor. Having gained the right to leave the special settlement only on April 30, 1956, Gvozdev lived in freedom for less than two months; on June 26, 1956, he passed away.

“Taken from the factory machine to political leaders and ministers, and then from the ministerial chair through a prison cell again transferred to the factory machine” (the expression of N.N. Sukhanov), the Russian worker Kuzma Antonovich Gvozdev became one of the many victims of the revolution, on which he pinned his the hope and triumph of which he contributed through his actions. Having spent a quarter of a century in prison in the “country of victorious socialism,” his fate once again confirmed the statement of the French Girondin Pierre Vergniaud about revolutions devouring their own children...

From peasants. From 1899 he worked at the Tikhoretsky railways. workshops. For the roar. activities was repeatedly arrested (for the first time in 1902) and exiled. In 1903-07 he joined the Social Revolutionaries. From 1909 he worked at the factories of St. Petersburg, took part in the creation of the Union of Metalworkers, and was its leader. Since 1914, the Menshevik has been a “defencist.” In 1915 he joined the working group of the Military-Industrial Committee as its chairman, one of the initiators and promoters of the policy of civil peace between workers and the bourgeoisie (the movement of defencist-minded workers was called “Gvozdyovshchina”, “Gvozdyovtsy”). Participated in the creation of the Vyborg workers' cooperative during the food crisis in the fall of 1915.

On the night of January 28, 1917, he was arrested along with the entire group, released by the insurgent people on February 27, and on the same day Gvozdev was elected to the temporary executive committee of the Council of the Republic of Dagestan, which convened the Petrograd Council. Since April 13, member of the bureau of the executive committee of the Petrograd Council of the RSD. Since May 5, Comrade Minister of Labor. Participated in the development of bills proposed by the Ministry of Labor: on conciliation, chambers, arbitration courts, on state. control over industry, on the labor exchange, on the regulation of unemployment and assistance to the unemployed, on the introduction of 8-hours. working day, employment contracts, revision of laws on female and child labor. Prevented a conflict between the Center. Council of Elders of St. Petersburg employees. prom. enterprises with the Association of Manufacturers and Breeders, which threatened a strike of approx. 120 prom. pr-tiy: an agreement with the active participation of Gvozdev was reached on May 23. Thanks to the mediation of Gvozdev, on June 27-30 the strike of workers at the Sormovsky plant was stopped: in July he helped end the conflict at the Putilovsky plant. A principled supporter of resolving labor conflicts with the help of arbitration courts, conciliators, chambers, etc. forms On Sept. headed the commission of the government for the consideration of economics. requirements of the Union of Railway Workers. 19 Sep. at the meeting of the Time, the government insisted on the allocation of 1 billion rubles. railway workers. 25 Sep. assigned min. labor. Oct 24 at a meeting of the Pre-Parliament he declared that the working class would not participate in the uprising.

On October 25, he was arrested in the Winter Palace along with other members of the Provisional Government and taken to the Peter and Paul Fortress, soon released. On November 14, he resigned from the Central Committee of the RSDLP(o), not agreeing with the Bolsheviks joining the “homogeneous government”. He was a member of the underground Provisional Government and participated in its meetings. On November 17, among others, he signed the appeal “To all citizens of the Russian Republic!” On November 19, the Military Revolutionary Committee gave an order for the arrest of members of the Temporary. government that signed this appeal, and sending them to Kronstadt under the supervision of the executive committee of the RSD Council.

In the spring and summer of 1918 he participated in the creation of the anti-Bolshevik Assembly of Representatives from Factories and Plants. Then, having retired from political activities, he worked in cooperation. Since 1920 he worked at the Supreme Economic Council. On April 25, 1931, the OGPU board sentenced him to 10 years in prison. July 1, 1941 By a special meeting of the NKVD of the USSR - by 8 years. Released on April 20, 1956. Further fate is unknown. Rehabilitated in 1989.

From peasants. From 1899 he worked at the Tikhoretsky railways. workshops. For the roar. activities was repeatedly arrested (for the first time in 1902) and exiled. In 1903-07 he joined the Social Revolutionaries. From 1909 he worked at the factories of St. Petersburg, took part in the creation of the Union of Metalworkers, and was its leader. Since 1914, the Menshevik has been a “defencist.” In 1915 he joined the working group of the Military-Industrial Committee as its chairman, one of the initiators and promoters of the policy of civil peace between workers and the bourgeoisie (the movement of defencist-minded workers was called “Gvozdyovshchina”, “Gvozdyovtsy”). Participated in the creation of the Vyborg workers' cooperative during the food crisis in the fall of 1915.

On the night of January 28, 1917, he was arrested along with the entire group, released by the insurgent people on February 27, and on the same day Gvozdev was elected to the temporary executive committee of the Council of the Republic of Dagestan, which convened the Petrograd Council. Since April 13, member of the bureau of the executive committee of the Petrograd Council of the RSD. Since May 5, Comrade Minister of Labor. Participated in the development of bills proposed by the Ministry of Labor: on conciliation, chambers, arbitration courts, on state. control over industry, on the labor exchange, on the regulation of unemployment and assistance to the unemployed, on the introduction of 8-hours. working day, employment contracts, revision of laws on female and child labor. Prevented a conflict between the Center. Council of Elders of St. Petersburg employees. prom. enterprises with the Association of Manufacturers and Breeders, which threatened a strike of approx. 120 prom. pr-tiy: an agreement with the active participation of Gvozdev was reached on May 23. Thanks to the mediation of Gvozdev, on June 27-30 the strike of workers at the Sormovsky plant was stopped: in July he helped end the conflict at the Putilovsky plant. A principled supporter of resolving labor conflicts with the help of arbitration courts, conciliators, chambers, etc. forms On Sept. headed the commission of the government for the consideration of economics. requirements of the Union of Railway Workers. 19 Sep. at the meeting of the Time, the government insisted on the allocation of 1 billion rubles. railway workers. 25 Sep. assigned min. labor. Oct 24 at a meeting of the Pre-Parliament he declared that the working class would not participate in the uprising.

On October 25, he was arrested in the Winter Palace along with other members of the Provisional Government and taken to the Peter and Paul Fortress, soon released. On November 14, he resigned from the Central Committee of the RSDLP(o), not agreeing with the inclusion of the Bolsheviks in the “homogeneous government”. He was a member of the underground Provisional Government and participated in its meetings. On November 17, among others, he signed the appeal “To all citizens of the Russian Republic!” On November 19, the Military Revolutionary Committee gave an order for the arrest of members of the Temporary. government that signed this appeal, and sending them to Kronstadt under the supervision of the executive committee of the RSD Council.

In the spring and summer of 1918 he participated in the creation of the anti-Bolshevik Assembly of Representatives from Factories and Plants. Then, having retired from political activities, he worked in cooperation. Since 1920 he worked at the Supreme Economic Council. On April 25, 1931, the OGPU board sentenced him to 10 years in prison. July 1, 1941 By a special meeting of the NKVD of the USSR - by 8 years. Released on April 20, 1956. Further fate is unknown. Rehabilitated in 1989.

Russian revolutionary, leader of the Provisional Government, Menshevik

Biography

From peasants. From 1899 he worked in the Tikhoretsky railway workshops. During the Revolution of 1905, he joined a revolutionary circle, led a strike of railway workers, was arrested and spent two years in Saratov prison. Member of the AKP (socialist-revolutionary maximalist) from 1905 to 1907, then joined the RSDLP. He was convicted by the Saratov Judicial Chamber and exiled to the Astrakhan province for four years. From 1909 he worked at factories in St. Petersburg and took part in the creation of the Union of Metalworkers. In 1910-1911, chairman of the board of metalworkers' trade unions in St. Petersburg. In 1911 he was arrested and exiled to the Vologda province for three years. Since 1914, the Menshevik “defense activist” worked as a mechanic at the Petrograd factories. In 1915 - Chairman of the working group of the Central Military-Industrial Committee. Participated in the creation of the Vyborg workers' cooperative.

On the night of January 28, 1917, together with other members of the working group, he was arrested for calling on workers to go out into the streets with a call to overthrow the autocracy; he was imprisoned in Kresty. During the February Revolution he was released. He took part in the organization of the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. At the first meeting, he was elected to the executive committee as a member of the presidium, head of the labor department and secretariat. Member of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (M). Participated in resolving conflicts between workers and enterprise owners. From September 25, 1917 - Minister of Labor in the Provisional Government.

During the October Revolution he was arrested along with other members of the Provisional Government. Released after 3 days. From October 1917 to the end of 1918, deputy chairman of the workers' cooperatives of Petrograd and the surrounding area. In the spring and summer of 1918 he participated in the creation of the anti-Bolshevik Assembly of Representatives from Factories and Plants. Then, having retired from political activity, he worked in workers' cooperatives, and from 1920 in the Supreme Economic Council. Non-party member since 1919.

In 1920, he was arrested by the Cheka and spent 1 month in prison. He worked in the Union of Metalworkers, authorized for Ukraine, then at the Central Section in the south (until June 1920). He worked at the All-Russian Central Council of Trade Unions in the department of scientific organization of labor until October 1920, head of the Central Bureau of Labor Standards in the People's Commissariat of Trade Unions until February 1921, deputy chairman of the board of the Supreme Economic Council. In 1930 he was the head of the planning and economic part of the reconstruction sector of the Steam Locomotive, Railcar and Diesel Association.

On December 12, 1930 he was arrested. April 25, 1931 by the OGPU Collegium under Art. 58-7, 10, 11 of the Criminal Code sentenced to 10 years in prison. He served his term in the Oryol political isolation ward in solitary confinement. He studied Marxism-Leninism in prison, and, according to him, became a supporter of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks). After the end of the first term on July 1, 1941, the OSO NKVD of the USSR was sentenced to 8 years. At the end of his term, he was exiled to the village of Dzerzhinskoye, Krasnoyarsk Territory. He was sick, in poverty, wrote letters to Stalin and Voroshilov. On April 30, 1956 he was released from the special settlement. He died on June 26 of the same year.

From peasants. From 1899 he worked at the Tikhoretsky railways. workshops. For op. the case was repeatedly arrested (for the first time in 1902) and exiled. In 1903-07 he joined the Social Revolutionaries. From 1909 he worked at the factories of St. Petersburg, took part in the creation of the Union of Metalworkers, and was its leader. Since 1914, the Menshevik has been a “defencist”. In 1915 he became a member of the working group of the Military-Industrial Committee as its chairman, the only one of the initiators and promoters of the policy of civil peace between the workers and the bourgeoisie (the movement of defencist-minded workers received the name “Gvozdyovshchina”, “Gvozdyovtsy”). Participated in the creation of the Vyborg workers' cooperative during the food crisis in the fall of 1915.

In the dark of January 28, 1917, he was arrested together with the entire group, released by the insurgent people on February 27, and on the same day Gvozdev was elected to the temporary executive committee of the Council of the Republic of Dagestan, the one that convened the Petrograd Council. Since April 13, member of the bureau of the executive committee of the Petrograd Council of the RSD. Friend of the Minister of Labor since May 5th. Participated in the development of bills proposed by the Ministry of Labor: on conciliation, chambers, arbitration courts, on state. control over industry, on the labor exchange, on the regulation of unemployment and assistance to the unemployed, on the introduction of 8-hours. working day, employment contracts, revision of laws on female and child labor. Prevented a conflict between the Center. Council of Elders of St. Petersburg employees. prom. enterprises with the Association of Manufacturers and Breeders, which threatened a strike of approx. 120 prom. pr-tiy: an agreement with the active participation of Gvozdev was reached on May 23. Thanks to the mediation of Gvozdev, on June 27-30 the strike of workers at the Sormovsky plant was stopped: in July he helped end the conflict at the Putilovsky plant. A principled supporter of resolving labor conflicts with the help of arbitration courts, conciliators, chambers, etc. forms On Sept. headed the commission of the government for the consideration of economics. requirements of the Union of Railway Workers. 19 Sep. at the meeting of the Time, the government insisted on the allocation of 1 billion rubles. railway workers. 25 Sep. assigned min. labor. Oct 24 at a meeting of the Pre-Parliament he declared that the working class would not participate in the uprising.

On October 25, he was arrested in the Winter Palace together with other members of the Provisional Government and taken to the Peter and Paul Fortress, soon released. On November 14, he resigned from the Central Committee of the RSDLP(o), not agreeing with the inclusion of the Bolsheviks in the “homogeneous government”. He was a member of the underground Provisional Government and participated in its meetings. On November 17, among others, he signed the appeal “To all citizens of the Russian Republic!” On November 19, the Military Revolutionary Committee gave the command to arrest members of the Temporary. government that signed this appeal, and sending them to Kronstadt under the supervision of the executive committee of the RSD Council.

In the spring and summer of 1918 he participated in the creation of the anti-Bolshevik Assembly of Representatives from Factories and Factories. Then, having retired from political activities, he worked in cooperation. Since 1920 he worked at the Supreme Economic Council. On April 25, 1931, the OGPU board sentenced him to 10 years in prison. July 1, 1941 By a special meeting of the NKVD of the USSR - by 8 years. Released on April 20, 1956. Further fate is unknown. Rehabilitated in 1989.

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The name of Kuzma Venediktovich Kiselev is associated with 22 years in the history of Belarusian diplomacy. This publication highlights the most important milestones in its...